From the archive, 16 July 1991: Labour picks fight with Militant Tendency

'After every major class battle they write our political obituary. But if Militant is finished why do the media and every political party spend so much time at our funeral?'

The rhetorical question, posed in this week's Militant newspaper, is not unlike the view expressed in different language by Conservative Central Office. For all the platform bravado of Neil Kinnock, how much has the Labour leader actually achieved in his battle to purge Militant Tendency?

In simple numerical terms progress is undeniably slow, but in terms of reducing Militant's political influence, the answer is more complex.

The process began in 1983 when the five members of Militant's editorial board were expelled. In 1986 a further nine went, including Derek Hatton, the Liverpool council deputy leader, Tony Mulhearn, the chairman of the Liverpool district Labour party, Ian Lowes, the leader of the powerful GMB No. 5 branch in Liverpool city council, and Richard Venton, the Militant Merseyside spokesman. In 1987 three Militants were expelled, in 1988 the pace picked up with 29 thrown out, in 1990 a total of 34 were expelled and, in the six months to June this year, a further 26 had lost their party cards. Since then a further six from Tower Hamlets, East London, have been thrown out, making a grand total to date of 125.

The expulsions affected areas as far apart as Stevenage, St Helens, Cardiff Central, Islywn, East Berkshire, Cumbernauld and Kilsyth, Southwark, Eddisbury and Newcastle East. The single biggest expulsion from one constituency came last year when eight Militant supporters were ousted in Glasgow Cathcart.

Yesterday's agreed plans to start the process of disciplining a further 62, and possibly as many as 140 more, represents a shift of gear. However, this must be set against Militant claims - albeit unprovable - of between 2,000 to 3,000 supporters inside the party.

But party officials believe that, with the exception of Liverpool, it has achieved the more important task of marginalising Militant. They point to a range of towns in which Militant once held sway but has now lost influence, such as Swansea, Newcastle, Brighton, Southwark and Glasgow.

Equally important, the party's youth section - a Militant redoubt - has been reorganised by lowering the qualifying age, abolishing the old annual Young Socialists' conference and reforming the election of the youth representative on the NEC.

However, the party has two big headaches. The first is Dave Nellist, MP for Coventry South-east, where Militant still has influence. Mr Nellist is recognised as an effective backbencher but, like Terry Fields, he has links with Militant and faces committal proceedings over his failure to pay the poll tax. If Mr Fields is deselected, what logic allows Mr Nellist to remain?

The second headache is the fear that Militant, perhaps in alliance with other left-wingers, may now put up candidates elsewhere in the country, including more marginal seats than Walton.

In the columns of its newspaper, Militant is continuing to argue that its candidature in Liverpool Walton was an unalloyed success, and suggests that the conditions will soon be created for “increased gains against right-wing councillors over the next two years”. But it is not likely that candidates will be stood outside Merseyside.

Militant insists: “Our orientation will be 100 per cent towards the mass party of the working class” and rejects speculation that “we have cut ourselves off from Labour forever”.